Showing posts with label united farmworkers union. Show all posts
Showing posts with label united farmworkers union. Show all posts

Monday, June 16, 2025

Calkfornia Can't Be Bullied

 Popular Economics Weekly

Governor Gavin Newsom today announced that California has officially overtaken Japan to become the world’s fourth-largest economy, according to newly released data from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA). April, 2025

image

LATimes

The Trump administration’s efforts to bully California in the past week by sending in contingents of the California Coast Guard and active-duty Marines to ‘guard’ its ICE agents that are bent on rounding up as many undocumented workers in California as possible, is almost comical.

Would they try the same with Japan or Germany, who have economies that are basically the same size? Of course not, though Trump wants to pick on smaller Canada, and maybe Denmark’s Greenland.

Of the 850,000 farmworkers in California that are providing close to one-quarter of the agricultural produce of America, some 400,000 are seasonal workers (i.e., with permits) or undocumented, which is why President Trump has told ICE workers to stop rounding them up, for fear Americans will no longer have enough fresh (or canned) produce to eat.

It’s a sign of the Trump administration’s tremendous ignorance that their efforts to deport as many of the 11 million undocumented U.S. workers is looking worse than ridiculous, it is enraging the populous of those cities that depend on immigrants to work in the service and hospitality industries, as well as feed them.

If Trump also thinks he can humble California by attacking the University of California system (UC) as he is doing to Harvard, he is also mistaken.

The system's ten campuses presently have a combined student body of 299,407 students, 26,100 faculty members, 192,400 staff members, over 2.5 million living alumni, and $41.6 billion in annual operating revenues.

And as an alumnus, I can attest it teaches or promotes no particular ideology or political view, just the scientific and social science truths that are verified and tested empirically, not by rumor or conspiracy theories.

Trump and the Republican Party have succeeded in bullying the smaller red states they have dominated since the 1970s, making them the poorest states in income (many have no minimum wage), health care, social services and education.

Republican led red states are mostly dependent on the excess tax revenues passed on to them from blue states.

“In 2023, the federal government collected around $4.67 trillion from states and their residents through taxes on individuals and businesses and redistributed about $4.56 trillion back to states and residents through programs like Social Security, Medicaid, Medicare, food stamps, and education grants, says USA Facts.

Virginia alone depended on $79 billion in transfer payments in 2023 to balance its budget from states like California and New York, who contributed $78B and $89B in 2023 to the federal kitty.

So why have Republicans gone to all this trouble that will do very little harm to the likes of UC and California’s economy? Their red states can’t do without the income coming from blue states.

Oh, their leaders want more tax cuts, which will continue to increase federal debt. Americans will find out soon enough that’s not how to stay in business.

Harlan Green © 2025

Follow Harlan Green on Twitter: https://twitter.com/HarlanGreen

Monday, August 15, 2022

Cesar Chavez And The United Farmworkers Union

Building Community Answering Kennedy’s Call

Farmworker union marches through Central Valley for voting rights bill

The Calexico Funeral

(Chapter Nine)

César was brilliant at publicizing farmworker conditions and took advantage of another tragedy to make national news. He had me film and photograph the funeral ceremony for that reason.

Forty-five farmworkers were being driven to work before dawn near Blythe, California, in the Imperial Valley that same winter. The bus driver was either drowsy or driving too fast and missed a 90-degree turn in the darkness after the 100-mile, two-hour drive, plunging off the embankment that bordered an 18-foot-deep irrigation canal. Nineteen of the 45 farm workers on the bus were trapped in 10 feet of water unable to escape in the darkness, with many crushed from the impact.

César then organized a funeral and marched 19 caskets that accounted for the dead farmworkers across the Calexico border to a Mexicali cemetery on Avenida Francisco Madera where the drowned victims were buried. It was a magnificent procession with crowds lining the way into Mexico, the borders wide open to let them through.

The Bishop of Baja, California, first gave them a very impressive and special mass and benediction in Calexico’s National Guard Armory before 1,000 mourners, caskets draped with the Aztec eagle, the UFW flag.

It was an incredibly moving sight, as if they were being honored as veterans returned from a war. Few knew at the time that some of those caskets were empty. Many of the bodies had already been taken to the homes of families in Mexico to be mourned. But it was important that 19 caskets crossed the border to commemorate and honor all of them.

The labor contractor who owned the bus, Jesus Ayala, was a well-known scab herder and strikebreaker, said a newspaper description of the accident. The Yuma Sun reported:

The driver, fifty-five-year-old Pablo Navarro Arellano, was in the midst of an eighteen-hour workday when the accident occurred. Typically, his job began at two a.m., when he went to the enormous shape-up at el hoyo, the hole, in Calexico, picked up the workers, and then drove about 130 miles to the farm. There he supervised the lettuce thinning for ten hours, drove back to el hoyo, dropped off the workers, cleaned out the bus, and finally left for home and a few hours’ sleep. The lettuce thinners were paid nothing for the four hours’ travel time between the hole and High and Mighty Farms.

“This tragedy happened because of the greed of the big growers who do not care about the safety of the workers and expose them to grave dangers when they transport them in wheeled coffins to the fields,” UFW leader César Chávez told the crowd, according to a commentary he published in the Los Angeles Times in 1974.1

https://www.latimes.com/archives/lapm-1999-aug-27-me-4246- story.html

My poem better describes what we felt witnessing the tragedy:

The Drowned Bus

The nineteen farmworkers 

Still looked asleep,

As their bus rose slowly,

Windows streaming water,

Pulled from the irrigation ditch.

Most had been dozing

From the border crossing,

That early morning,

To harvest before sunrise

Penetrated the fields too deeply.

Only such sweat

From the irrigated desert,

Brought melons and strawberries,

To our breakfast tables,

Cool and ready to eat.

They picked what was ripe,

Quit every hot afternoon,

Until their driver,

Dazed by sleepless nights,

Missed his turn.

Those nineteen coffins,

Returned to their casas,

Draped with Aztec eagles

Was such a grand event,

When blessed by Baja’s Bishop.

The writhing procession slowly

Wound its snakelike way

Across the Mexican border that day,

Carrying hissing eagles on its back,

No green cards were needed,

For those now liberated from their past.

 

Saturday, August 6, 2022

Cesar Chavez and The United Farmworkers Union of America

  Answering Kennedy's Call

Chapter Seven—Part I

I had heard of the United Farmworkers Union several years earlier while working as a television news cameraman for KTTV Channel 11, a Sacramento TV station.

One shoot was a weekend special report on the US Immigration Service in action to show their prowess in protecting the borders. We reported on the Immigration Service rounding up undocumented aliens in the fields—Mexican and Central American seasonal workers—while they were working.

I thought then it was an unjust system, as I filmed these so- called “illegals” being chased down and herded like cattle by “La Migra”, their term for the Immigration Service. The growers, of course, knew many of the workers did not have valid Green Card work visas and had turned a blind eye to the labor contractors that smuggled them across the border.

I learned much about California labor relations while filming for KTTV and watching how the growers operated. Farm workers had almost no protections in those days, since even those with legal work visas weren’t given adequate housing or benefits.

It was a brutal system, so when Cousin John asked if I wanted to help him out with whatever needed to be done in La Paz to support the United Farmworkers Union, I thought it a worthy cause. I had little idea of what that meant at the time even though I had worked with farmworkers in a Turkish village as a Peace Corps Volunteer for two years.

It was easy to see that the UFW needed lots of help. I met César Chávez at a low point in the UFW. La Paz had a small staff for several reasons. The United Farmworkers Union had just 6,000 members then. This was after many growers had signed Teamster ‘sweetheart’ contracts to avoid re-signing expired UFW labor contracts. Its membership was as high as 70,000 in the early 1970s.

César had purchased the former Kern County TB sanitarium in 1971 that had been abandoned when modern wonder drugs made the quarantine of TB patients no longer necessary. The UFW had outgrown its original Delano headquarters in the San Joaquin valley as union membership grew.

Re-named Nuestra Senora Reina de la Paz, or Our Lady Queen of Peace, it contained dormitories for the farmworkers, a hospital, and staff for those who worked there. The former sanitarium was leased from Edward Lewis, a Hollywood film producer who supported many social causes. He had to be the straw buyer of record of La Paz from its Kern County owners, since Kern County’s decision- makers were no friend to the UFW.

There was a lot of work to be done at La Paz to make it habitable for farmworkers and staff. Cousin John had already begun to renovate the dormitories to house farmworkers and staff, as well as modernize the hospital. The place had been abandoned for years, and since I had worked as a carpenter several summers to pay for my UC education, I was happy to assist.

I soon began spending weeks instead of weekends at La Paz, and hoped I would have the opportunity to use my film and photography skills as I did with the Environmental Protection Agency, since this was a chance to record history in the making. It seemed to be a call to work in another new frontier that President Kennedy had spoken of, advancing human rights using peaceful means to better farmworkers’ lives.

So, I became a fulltime resident of La Paz in January 1974, whereas Cousin John still lived and worked in Los Angeles.

But he could be called upon to bring up any necessary skilled labor. In fact, without the skilled union carpenters, plumbers, plasterers and electricians John was always bringing from Los Angeles, César couldn’t have completed the Agbayani Retirement Village for retired Filipino farmworkers to honor those who were some of the first to join the UFW. He wanted to honor them because they were the first to strike for better working conditions and join the UFW. He said many times

Agbayani Village was an example of benefits that would be possible for UFW members...(to be cont'd)

Harlan Green © 2022

Follow Harlan Green on Twitter: https://twitter.com/HarlanGreen

Sunday, March 17, 2019

Answering the Kennedys Call for Peace



The Rebuilding of Local Communities!

Where does the rebuilding of local communities that creates a sense of healthy community itself really happen? At the local level, whether it be in neighborhoods, towns, or cities. It is everywhere residents find a reason to band together.

And it is an answer to the fragmentation of local communities caused by the loss of so many blue collar jobs due to the Digital Revolution and Globalization of the workforce that has internationalized commerce so that corporations ignore national borders in their search for cheaper labor and new markets.

This has meant that towns, cities and states have had to look inward to heal their broken communities in order to provide citizens with the necessary means to grow and prosper.

Two Visions of Community

Harvard Sociologist Robert Putnam in an American Prospect sequel article to Bowling Alone wondered what made a viable community: “Some seemingly obvious answers turned out to be irrelevant. Party politics or ideology makes little difference. Affluence and prosperity have no direct effect. Social stability or political harmony or population movements are not the key. None of these factors is correlated with good government as we had anticipated. Instead, the best predictor is one that Alexis de Tocqueville might have expected. Strong traditions of civic engagement – voter turnout, newspaper readership, membership in choral societies and literary circles, Lions Clubs, and soccer clubs – are the hallmarks of a successful region.”

My hometown of Redwood City had much to do with why I chose community development as a focus and discipline, as a way to bring people of different backgrounds and concerns together, because it had many of those ingredients—strong civic groups such as an active Rotary club that gave out thousands of scholarship dollars every year to college students and a historical society that gave 150 year-old Redwood City a strong sense of identity. It was also a small-town where we could easily interact with each other in neighborhoods such as mine that had many immigrants.

I learned the basic tools of community development later from my Peace Corps training, which were first put into practice in a medium-size Turkish village of approximately 800, and then as a member of Cesar Chavez’s United Farmworkers Union that came to represent tens of thousands of farm workers during its heyday in the 1970s. Foreign cultures were something I was familiar with because of the ethnic diversity of my own childhood neighborhood and background. I felt comfortable in different cultures because of the friendliness and hospitality shown by these communities of farmers and farm workers, and my belief that we had a common humanity.

Redwood City is a San Francisco peninsula suburb full of history and diversity that was ahead of its time, in many ways. It is best known for the motto, “Climate Best by Government Test” on a sign that arches over El Camino Real, its major highway at that time. The sign was erected because the National Weather Service once had a Redwood City office, and christened its climate the best in the Bay Area and an ideal place to live. El Camino Real is Spanish for the King’s Highway originally built by Spanish explorers that first came to California in the 1700s. It connected California’s 21 missions built from 1769 to 1833 by Spain’s Catholic missionaries—more compelling history that gave Redwood City and the coastal region of California its unique identity.

It was this unifying identity that helped to make Redwood City a functioning community and the seat for San Mateo County, as well. I found keeping a historical record is one necessary ingredient that creates a common identity of a well-functioning community. Redwood City was founded in 1867, the oldest city on the San Francisco peninsula, because it had the only deep water port on San Francisco Bay south of San Francisco.

It was also a lumber town because the coastal mountains looming behind it were full of mature, first-growth Redwood trees that were brought down to its deep-water harbor and shipped to San Francisco and beyond.

Living in such a close-knit community as an eleven-year-old meant I could sell the San Francisco Call-Bulletin with its Sporting Green in the downtown bars on Main Street after school and make good tips as the Happy Hours became cheerier. I remember saving up the $36 needed to buy my first bike so I could graduate to an actual newspaper route. My Dad and I brought the money in a one-quart milk carton and dumped it on the counter of the bicycle shop, where it was counted out penny, by nickel, by dime, by quarter. I then owned a new Schwinn bicycle and became a Redwood City Tribune door-to-door newspaper boy.

I had attended Sequoia Union High School; one of just three high schools in our county at the time. That meant our annual Thanksgiving Day football Big Game with Palo Alto High was such an important community event that even today it is played in Stanford University’s football stadium, where it has attracted as many as 20,000 rabid fans.

My neighborhood was full of immigrants, including a Polish farmer across the street, Mr. Kolka, who raised pigeons, goats, and had a large fruit orchard on several acres. Next door was the Penna family, Sicilian immigrants with four boys who were my playmates. A recently arrived German family lived next to the Pennas, and a Chinese family nearby had a grandmother with tiny, shrunken feet. I knew this because I would see her exercise on their front lawn in the mornings.

My mother was also an immigrant; a British Citizen born in Jamaica before coming to San Francisco. She was from a family of Sephardic Jews that left Portugal during the Catholic Inquisition—first to Amsterdam, then London, until they arrived in Jamaica sometime during the Eighteenth century and established The Army and Navy Stores, Ship Chandlers, to provision ships that anchored in Kingston Harbor.

We all have individual family histories that contribute to our sense of identity, for better or worse. My father loved history because his mother was a member of the DAR, the Daughters of the American Revolution. Her family descended from minute men that fought in the Revolutionary War. So I grew up with a love of history; which was why I wanted to participate in history-making endeavors, such as the Peace Corps.

My education in community development was furthered when I became a member of the United Farmworkers Union, and learned how Cesar Chavez organized the UFW. Cesar’s early life shaped his vision of a community with greater justice and freedom for all. His vision made him the consummate community organizer that could build the UFW.

His family had lost their Arizona farm during the Great Depression and moved to Southern California to find work, just as John Steinbeck’s Joad Family did in the 1930’s Grapes of Wrath. That work was crop-picking as a child, so he came to intimately know the people he was to organize. His community was the mostly Filipino and Mexican farm workers in the fields of California that later included Arizona, Florida and Texas farm workers as his organizing efforts spread.

I was drawn to Cesar and the UFW in part cause because I had joined the Carpenter and Teamster unions while working my way through college. Unfortunately, this doesn’t describe the later Teamsters Union the UFW clashed with during the 1970s period of United Farmworker strikes and boycotts that gave the Teamsters in particular a bad name.

The strongest unions are democratic and run by their members; including the AFL-CIO, United Mineworkers, and United Autoworkers unions that supported and gave financial aid to the United Farmworkers Union when growers and the Teamsters attempted to destroy it.

Cesar Chavez was successful because his was a vision of bottoms-up, ‘grass-roots’ organizing of the farmworkers, something he knew how to do because he had grown up in their community, as I said. That means the impetus to organize came from the farm workers themselves who saw the important of community organizing and were willing to fight for the right to organize a union. His lacked certain administrative skills to some extent which hurt the UFW later. He was extremely charismatic and much better at motivating farmworkers than creating a long term, farmworkers union.

He was therefore able to unite religious leaders with social activists into a national movement for farmworker and immigrant rights. That is why he could enlist Dorothy Day of the Catholic Workers Movement, Reverend Chris Hartmire of the California Migrant Ministry, Walter Reuther, storied President of the United Auto Workers Union, the AFL-CIO, and International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers (IBEW), and the pro-labor Kennedy family to support the UFW’s cause. Cesar said many times the IBEW was his ideal of a democratically-run, grass roots labor union he wanted the UFW to emulate, because its members had a long history of active participation in their union.

I use these two visions of communities because they are an example of what successful community organizations or groups must contain—a compelling history or vision that unites them, and an adequate diversity of people and opinions so they can adapt to changing circumstances that can be difficult to control. Without such diversity, no community has remained functional and open to what will be unexpected changes, in my experience.

I graduated from Sequoia Union High School in 1958 and was accepted into the University of California Berkeley’s Engineering School that fall. The Korean War had ended in 1956. And there seemed to be no limit to future career possibilities. Jobs were plentiful; there were lots of opportunities for work and play on the San Francisco Peninsula.

California’s population was exploding in the 1950s; which was probably why the New York Giants moved to San Francisco in 1958 and became the storied San Francisco Giants, where I was able to watch Willie Mays and Willie McCovey play in Seals Stadium, former home of the Pacific Coast League’s San Francisco Seals.

Redwood City grew faster after I left for Berkeley, and I hardly recognize it today on return visits. It became a high tech center with some of the first computer company startups, and the home of Oracle, just as Silicon Valley was developing. Those memories of my neighborhood and Redwood City were the elements I thought all successful, well-functioning communities should contain.

Harlan Green © 2019

Follow Harlan Green on Twitter: https://twitter.com/HarlanGreen

Wednesday, September 5, 2018

What Happens When Poverty Exists in the Valley of Plenty?

ANSWERING THE KENNEDYS CALL TO ACTION


Poverty in the Valley of Plenty is a documentary film that then California Congressman Richard Nixon and growers in the San Joaquin successfully sued to have banned for defamation. It was about the working conditions that early post-WWII farmworkers still suffered under. I was able to show a banned copy of the film to the United Farmworkers of America that had been produced by the Hollywood trade unions when I was a member of the UFW

In 1948, the National Farm Labor Union and Hollywood filmmakers who hated the virulently anti-union big farm grower DiGiorgio Fruit, the largest grape, plum, and pear grower in the world, made the film titled Poverty in the Valley of Plenty to expose the terrible conditions of the farmers. In 1947, DiGiorgio responded to a strike by firing all the strikers and replacing them with a combination of Filipinos, undocumented workers, and migrants coming to the U.S. through the Bracero Program. The last of these was an illegal move against the agreement between the U.S. and Mexico that explicitly stated braceros were not to be used as strikebreakers. The unions hated DiGiorgio so much that they waived all their wage and hour contracts to get the film made.

The conditions of farmworkers in the 1950s were such as portrayed in John Steinbeck’s The Grapes of Wrath during the Great Depression The film portrayed poor farmers from the Dust-bowl that could only find work in California’s crop-filled valleys—under conditions that aren’t much different from many of today’s lower income workers.

We have as much of a problem for at least 25 percent of working Americans that earn no more than the poverty rate for a family of four--$25,100/year in 2018, according to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.

Who are they? Many are single-adult families with children—mostly mothers barely making ends meet in menial jobs. The Oxford economist Robert Allen recently estimated needs-based absolute poverty lines for rich countries that are designed to match more accurately the $1.90 line for poor countries, and $4 a day is around the middle of his estimates. When we compare absolute poverty in the United States with absolute poverty in India, or other poor countries, we should be using $4 in the United States and $1.90 in India.
“Once we do this, there are 5.3 million Americans who are absolutely poor by global standards. This is a small number compared with the one for India, for example, but it is more than in Sierra Leone (3.2 million) or Nepal (2.5 million), about the same as in Senegal (5.3 million) and only one-third less than in Angola (7.4 million). Pakistan (12.7 million) has twice as many poor people as the United States, and Ethiopia about four times as many.”
Author Robert Putnam (Bowling Alone), in his book "Our Kids: The American Dream In Crisis," looks at another angle: the way income inequality is trickling down to our public education system.
Putnam points out that Americans of different classes and educational backgrounds are increasingly living apart from each other: either in educated, wealthy enclaves or the inverse—poverty again in the valley of plenty. That has a negative and stratifying effect on schools, particularly on schools in poor areas.
"What we know very well is that when rich kids go to school, in their backpack they bring their parents' aspirations, their parents' resources, their parents' trips to France, their allusions to Proust or whatever, and that benefits all the kids in town," Putnam said..”
"When poor kids go to school, they're bringing in their backpack gang violence—even if they're not personally involved—they're coming from very poor neighborhoods, they bring disarray from home, hunger at home, and those factors affect everyone else," he continued in a PBS TV interview.
The Nation Magazine cites a recent Education Law Center and Rutgers Graduate School of Education report that exposes the tremendous inequality in educational opportunities of elementary school students within wealthy and poor school districts and states. It highlights Professor Putnam’s central thesis; by worsening the chances of success of lower-income children, already hindered living in poor neighborhoods within dysfunctional family structures, it hurts all Americans.

Putnam cites the findings of Clive Belfield, an associate professor of economics at Queens College, City University of New York: “The aggregate lifetime burden of failure to face the woes of poor youth is $1.59 trillion for taxpayers and $4.75 trillion for the larger society in lost earnings, lower economic growth and lower tax revenue beyond direct costs in welfare.”

An inadequately educated public diminishes the chances democracy itself will survive, as well.

Harlan Green © 2018

Follow Harlan Green on Twitter: https://twitter.com/HarlanGreen

Thursday, July 12, 2018

ANSWERING THE KENNEDYS CALL



We are announcing a new blog series—ANSWERING THE KENNEDYS CALL. It will report on what is being done today to address the problems that deal with record income inequality, immigration and civil rights, environment protection, and the rebuilding of local communities both at home and abroad that we cover in a forthcoming book, ANSWERING the KENNEDYS CALL: Inspiring Lessons in Public Service and Community Building from the Sixties for the Future.

It is a book about the cultural and social revolution of the Sixties carried forward by newer generations that is healing our broken communities and a dysfunctional government.  The Sixties created many of the benefits we enjoy today—environmental protection, civil rights for minorities, scientific research that brought us moon landings, the Internet, modern commerce, and a greater openness to other peoples and countries. 

By portraying the history of community development via the experiences of the Sixties’ generations, and practices of M. Scott Peck, Cesar Chavez and sociologist Robert Putnam in community organizing, we will show we have never really left that hopeful spirit that is creating new forms of a healthy, functioning, participatory democracy.

The efforts of those generations in making the world a better place is finding a response among younger generations today in countering the rampant pessimism and sense of limited possibilities prevalent in much of our society, due in large part to the economic uncertainty and successive recessions that have impoverished a majority of Americans since the 1980s.

President Obama is now mounting a campaign with a similar goal to inspire our youth to a life of service; and the youth he talks about are my target audience:  http://thehill.com/blogs/pundits-blog/the-administration/330269-full-remarks-obama-at-chicago-event-discusses-future.
“The only folks who are going to be able to solve that problem are going to be young people, the next generation,” said President Obama. “And I have been encouraged everywhere I go in the United States, but also everywhere around the world to see how sharp and astute and tolerant and thoughtful and entrepreneurial our young people are. A lot more sophisticated than I was at their age. And so the question then becomes what are the ways in which we can create pathways for them to take leadership, for them to get involved?”
We begin with this recent headline from the United Farmworkers Union: Salinas, Calif.-based D’Arrigo Bros. of California has just signed a new contract with the United Farm Workers union that will cover more than 1,500 farm workers, according to this press release from The Packer, “the fresh fruit and vegetable industry's leading source for news, information and analysis.”

The agreement provides family medical, dental and vision benefits for the farm workers that will be paid for by D’Arrigo. Health insurance will be provided by the Robert F. Kennedy Medical Plan, a plan established in 1968 specifically for farm workers and their families.
“Both parties have come to a new era of a working relationship and realize the agricultural workers need to be taken care of,” President John D’Arrigo said in the release. “That investment will hopefully translate into people wanting to work here the whole season,”
Employees also receive hourly and productivity pay increases. The incentive and box pay rate will increase by 3 percent in the first year, 3 percent in the second year and 2.5 percent in the third year. Workers will also receive six paid holidays a year, and loaders and machine operators who use their personal vehicles will be paid 50 cents per mile for travel time.

“To be willing to put that much investment in their employees really demonstrates the value that John D’Arrigo is placing on his employees,” UFW president Arturo Rodriguez said in the release.

Why the realization from a major Salinas, California grower that union workers are important to his business? There is a growing scarcity of seasonal farmworkers due to the ICE sweeps and “zero tolerance policy” of the Trump administration that is decimating America’s agricultural industry. Growers are beginning to look to the UFW to supply those seasonal workers that labor contractors formally provided, but were mainly undocumented workers.

It took the first-term election of California’s Democratic Governor Jerry Brown in 1975 to give farmworkers bargaining rights with his enactment of the California Agricultural Labor Relations Act that legalized the union organization of farmworkers.

Today’s suppression of employee bargaining rights is little different, even though there is a National Labor Relations Board to enforce union collective bargaining rights. The problem is 28 so-called right-to-work states under Republican control allow private sector nonunion employees off the dues hook who work in a job that benefits from union bargaining.

And just recently the US Supreme Court overturned a 40-year precedent in Janus v. AFSCME that nonunion government workers cannot be forced to pay fees to public sector unions if they chose not to belong to them. Those fees, approved by the court in the 1977 case Abood v. Detroit Board of Education, cover collective bargaining costs such as contract negotiations, but are meant to exclude political advocacy.

SCOTUS’s Chief Justice Alito stated in his majority opinion that taking the side of governments in such labor disputes saves governments money. Really? Justice Alito is admitting that weakening government unions’ ability to collect dues will also weaken employees’ ability to bargain for their pay and benefits.

We don’t buy his argument that he wants to help governments with their finances. He as a good conservative is only interested in downsizing government in any way he (and probably his 4 fellow SCOTUS conservatives) can, which includes downsizing the standard of living of both union and nonunion government employees.

Harlan Green © 2018

Follow Harlan Green on Twitter: https://twitter.com/HarlanGreen